Conference on The Promotion and Protection of Human Rights in Acute CrisisLondon, 11-13 February 1998
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Report links: | website home page |
Table of Contents - Search - Introduction - Recommendations - Opening Address - Papers Presented - Acknowledgements - Appendices | |
Papers Presented (by author): | |
1. Kate Mackintosh - 2. Nigel S Rodley - 3. Françoise Hampson - 4.Carlo von Flüe - 5. Geoff Gilbert - 6. Nicholas Morris - 7. David Bassiouni - 8. Philip Wilkinson - 9. Emma Shitakha - 10. Ian Martin - 11. Colleen Duggan | |
2.1 Humanitarian assistance as a factor in prolonging conflicts
2.2 Upholding political expediency at the cost of humanitarian action
2.3 Regionalisation of peace-keeping
2.4 Pursuing justice on a grand scale as a factor in creating humanitarian problems
2.5 Economic interests undermine peace efforts and prolong conflicts
2.6 Lack of integrated approach in the delivery of humanitarian assistance
2.7 Denial of basic human rights to people in need
See elsewhere: Author's Biography (appendix C)
The occurrences and prolongation of intra-state civil conflicts show no sign of abating. More non-state parties are emerging as major actors in conflicts. They and several authorities caught in the quagmire of violence are either unaware of their obligations to the International Humanitarian Laws (IHL), Human Rights Laws and associated principles, norms and standards or disregard them with impunity. The net result is an environment of fear, insecurity and total denial of the basic human rights for millions of victims of armed conflicts world-wide. Efforts to establish access and provide assistance to these victims pose some of the most challenging dilemmas to the international humanitarian community in our times. This paper attempts to capture the essence of these dilemmas and their influence on the delivery of humanitarian assistance and the associated ethical questions which humanitarian actors are compelled to constantly grapple with. It in no way provides adequate answers to these dilemmas but emphasises the paramountcy of the best interest of the victim as the action point of last resort.
The selection of the major dilemmas is based on a number of critical assumptions relevant to the humanitarian sector. They include the structural causes of humanitarian crises and their protracted characteristics, the resort to humanitarian response in place of political action, when prevention has consistently failed, and the lack of international leverage in stopping conflicts.
The root causes of humanitarian crisis are closely linked to social, political, economic, religious and ethnic factors which cannot be eliminated overnight by the waving of the magic wand. They are likely to persist and continue to trigger crises. Whereas the ideal approach is to forecast crises in advance and proceed to either prevent and pre-empt it or prepare for it, in the real world, this scenario hardly occurs. On the contrary, in the absence of effective preventive measures, the world has now reluctantly come to accept victims - refugees, IDPs etc. as the normal feature of humanitarian crises. It has also been compelled to accept humanitarian response rather than prevention as the standard remedy to crises.
Alleviating suffering and saving lives are necessary and noble acts, but this merely amounts to "treating the symptoms and manifestations of the disease without curing the patient".
Globally, the international community lacks the necessary leverage over parties in conflict, especially when they are non-state parties. Coercion could work, but peace-keeping operations have their advantages and disadvantages.
Unless these dilemmas are addressed, they will continue to frustrate the efforts and best intentions of humanitarian and human rights workers.
Based on the critical assumptions enunciated, the paper resorts to a number of criteria to select seven major dilemmas for consideration. These include factors that:
The few selected dilemmas include:
A debate has been going on, on whether humanitarian assistance benefits the victims of conflicts or merely sustains the arsenals and war machinery of parties in conflict. Seizure and control over transport and logistics, food and supplies intended for victims, and employment opportunities created by the aid industry come readily to mind. The challenge to the aid workers is whether to use the delivery of assistance as a trump card to force compliance or be acquiescent. Presuming they resort to the first option, is it ethically acceptable? What price in terms of human suffering and lost lives would be required to support such an option ? Can we afford it ?
Whatever situation one operates in, it is important to monitor and determine how much assistance trickles down to the targeted beneficiaries. At the same time, it is incumbent upon the aid workers through their interlocutors and leadership outside the country to be open and transparent in exposing the abuses of humanitarian assistance as a deterrent to future untoward actions and the tendency to walk away with impunity.
The recent blockade and intervention of ECOMOG/ECOWAS into Sierra Leone to restore an elected government presents a good case of how political expediency was given priority and paramountcy over humanitarian action. Any effort to undertake cross-border operations and assist populations in need was viewed as a legitimising action bolstering the fortunes of the military Junta in power. The likely result is that by the time the military Junta falls, Sierra Leoneans would have suffered untold misery and paid dearly with their lives. It is rational to present the counter-argument that decisive actions by ECOMOG in Liberia and Sierra Leone could usher in peace, democracy and elected governance. However, it is highly debatable whether allowing humanitarian assistance into Sierra Leone could, in the long run, save and legitimise the Junta. Humanitarian assistance has been flowing into Somalia for years without ever conferring legitimacy upon any faction in that country.
Peace-keeping over the last few years has witnessed a trend towards regionalisation. The role of ECOMOG/ECOWAS in West Africa and NATO in Ex-Yugoslavia bring to the fore the debate on the merits and demerits of the regionalisation of peace-keeping operations which has so far been the domain of the United Nations. Although this trend is a welcome departure, it is wrought with certain difficulties. On the one hand, assuming responsibility for maintaining order and peace in ones backyard is commendable. On the other, if regional peace-keeping is not based on even-handedness with all parties in conflict, it has the potential to convert a well-meaning mission into part of the problem.
For the government of Rwanda to enjoy credibility with its people, it must be seen to be exercising justice by bringing the perpetrators of genocide to trial. However, the slow mill of justice has created the largest concentration of detainees in the world living under the most appalling conditions. With 130,000 detainees held in several prisons and cachots in the country, even operating with the most efficient legal system in the world, it is estimated that it would take about 200 years to bring all detainees to trial. In the meantime, the appalling state of prisons is causing major humanitarian problems. The challenge there is whether humanitarian assistance should be used to improve prison conditions and inadvertently encourage the government to place more of its citizens in detention or support activities that address life-threatening problems and assist the government to find creative, lasting solutions. This could include introducing an appropriate Rwandan version of the South African Truth Commission or supporting the recent government initiatives in engaging detainees in public works and promoting community courts.
Over the last few years, parties in conflict have usually used their hold on power to control tracts of territory and exploit the natural resources therein to feed their war chests. Timber, minerals, and oil are examples of how illicit trade in a number of countries in crisis has contributed in a significant way to prolonging civil conflicts. Most of these trades are based on the bartering of raw materials for small arms. Hence, the proliferation of small arms in some regions, e.g. Africa. These trades are very lucrative and many faction leaders have a vested interest to see them continue even at the cost of prolonging conflicts. Efforts at sanctions have not yielded the desired results. The challenge is how to bring about the necessary pressure to bear upon the source of the illicit trade - the buyers - and this way deprive the sellers of their customers. If this cycle of unholy alliance could be broken, we would have found some solution to one of the most intractable causes of sustained protracted wars.
Rivalry and competition amongst aid agencies often provide factional leaders with ready instrument to use one agency against the other. Solidarity is broken. Efforts at complementing each others strengths and acting in unison, should remain the guiding principle for operational agencies at the field level. The question is, whether the humanitarian actors should maintain solidarity even when populations are placed at risk. The real test to what level a unified approach and solidarity could be maintained should always be that the best interest and survival of populations at risk remain paramount.
By denying basic humanitarian assistance to crisis victims (i.e. not giving access to humanitarian actors), they are being deprived of basic human rights. Also, the actual modalities of furthering human rights while delivering humanitarian assistance in a conflict produces its own dilemma by creating insecurity for humanitarian workers who may be viewed as "spies" in the eyes of some parties to the conflict. The challenge is whether such rights should be guaranteed through coercion/enforcement or by creating a culture of respect for human values and dignity. A critical examination of the attitudes of authorities that choose to ride roughshod over the rights of their citizens may provide some clues that could contribute to the greater understanding of this particular dilemma.
The dilemmas that humanitarian actors encounter in the delivery of humanitarian assistance are real. They are likely to continue to impede the effective delivery of assistance and frustrate peace initiatives and prolong conflicts into protracted emergencies. As aid workers grapple with these dilemmas, the best interest of the victims must always remain paramount. The argument is advanced that the greatest tragedy in humanitarian action could be the acquiescence by the humanitarian community to accept in despair a culture of co-existence with crisis. On the positive side, the new leadership in the humanitarian field is unlikely to allow such a culture to hold root.
Notes:1 David Bassiouni is Chief, Inter-Agency Support Branch, and Co-ordinator, IASC Secretariat Office for the Co-ordination of Humanitarian Affairs, United Nations, Geneva. The views expressed in this paper are exclusively those of the writer. [...back to main text] |
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Papers Presented (by author): | |
1. Kate Mackintosh - 2. Nigel S Rodley - 3. Françoise Hampson - 4.Carlo von Flüe - 5. Geoff Gilbert - 6. Nicholas Morris - 7. David Bassiouni - 8. Philip Wilkinson - 9. Emma Shitakha - 10. Ian Martin - 11. Colleen Duggan | |
Report links: | website home page |
Table of Contents - Search - Introduction - Recommendations - Opening Address - Papers Presented - Acknowledgements - Appendices | |